Boycott Chicken! by Wayne Northey

Sometimes the most obvious things are hardest to see.  That President Bush is a tyrant, for instance.

In Michael Moore’s Fahrenheit 9/11, the movie ends with Moore’s agreeing finally with the President who said: “There's an old saying in Tennessee. I know it's in Texas, probably Tennessee, that says: ‘Fool me once... shame on... shame on you.
[thinks] Ya fool me... ya can't get fooled again.’” 

In fact Bush has hoodwinked Americans repeatedly, is working diligently at it again for the approaching election.  In a July 4th quiz, “Down With King George!”, Stephen R. Shalom drew nine amazing parallels to England’s tyrannical King George in 1776 and President George in 2004.  Take it yourself, and follow the links: http://www.tomdispatch.com/index.mhtml?emx=x&pid=1519.

In Hans Christian Andersen’s brilliant fairy-tale, The Emperor’s New Clothes, it takes a little boy with unblinkered eyes to point out “King George’s” nakedness.  Why are we so willingly duped?  Theologian Luke Johnson contends we live with a spirituality of deep fear and insecurity – ultimately of our own mortality.  Psychologist Ernest Becker wrote that fear of death leads to “…the disguise of panic that makes [us] live in ugliness…”  We are consequently willingly lied to, self-deceived. Desmond Tutu said of white collusion with South African apartheid, not unlike the white Evangelical vote for President Bush: “The former apartheid cabinet member Leon Wessels was closer to the mark when he said that they [South African whites] had not wanted to know [about the terrorist acts of police and military], for there were those who tried to alert them.” Like Pilate we easily wash our hands in self-absolution; we choose to look the other way.

Psychologist Sheldon Solomon contends that “fear of death promotes allegiance to charismatic leaders”.  He writes: “George W. Bush became a charismatic leader as a result of the events of 9/11; prior to 9/11, President Bush was a not-quite-elected lame-duck in the making with no coherent plan for America and rapidly waning appeal to the American public.”  (Michael Moore depicts scathingly the same truth in his recent movie.) 

Then the catastrophe struck, and fully 58% of Americans reported posttraumatic stress symptoms 6 months after September 11, 2001!  America was ripe for the “charismatic leader” into which George W. Bush magically morphed.  Suffering under what Professor Solomon calls “mortality salience” (constant fear of death) that America has felt since 9/11, “we give knee-jerk votes for charisma.”, claims Solomon.  Under similar circumstances, he points out, “Hitler and Mussolini were duly elected…” Psychologist John Brand calls people controlled by this mob mesmerism “reptilian”, ever given to violence as final solution.

Principal amongst these in America are “born-again” Christians.  Theologian Paul Tillich describes religion as two-edged sword: opening humanity up to soul-satisfying transcendence, “the experience of the Holy, of something which is untouchable, awe-inspiring, an ultimate meaning, the source of ultimate courage….   But beside its glory lies its shame.  It makes its myths and doctrines, its rites and laws, into ultimates and persecutes those who do not subject themselves to it.”  It is no surprise that white Evangelical America, comprising over 80 million believers, voted for President Bush in 2000, and promises the same in 2004.  Solomon sees Osama bin Laden in this respect as President Bush’s alter ego, observing wryly: “A charismatic fundamentalist in a tie is just as dangerous as a fanatic in a turban!”  And the best-known C.I.A.-trained terrorist, notes political scientist Mahmood Mamdani in a counter-intuitive publication on the roots of terror called Good Muslim, Bad Muslim, is Osama bin Laden.

Jack Ramsay was a Reform Party Member of Parliament from Alberta when I once discussed at length criminal justice issues with him.  He was a former police officer, a born-again Christian, vehement supporter of the return of the death penalty – and use of other harsh punishments.  He was subsequently charged and convicted of a sexual offence against a minor, committed years before while an RCMP officer. 

I told him of an organization in America that marched annually in a death penalty state. One of those was born-again Governor George Bush’s Texas, whose Huntsville was site of the most “killing fields” in the history of American governors.  One could not be a member, I explained, of “Murder Victims Families for Reconciliation” unless one had lost a loved one to murder.  When they marched with banners and pronouncements, “Don’t Kill for Me!”, people listened.

Mr. Ramsay retorted: “Then they shouldn’t eat chicken!”  To explain, he told of his brother who hated catching, beheading and cleaning chickens – but loved eating them!  Likewise, he intoned, one cannot enjoy the benefits of American – or Canadian – citizenship, and not support killing: for us and our children.  I asked him if that meant two million innocent civilian casualties in over 100 cities carpet bombed by the Allies with napalm in World War II, including atomic bombs unleashed on Hiroshima and Nagasaki – the greatest instantaneous mass slaughter of civilians in the history of humanity.  He said without blinking it did.  He added that Western civilization rightly continues to do so wherever and whenever necessary.

I said, “You’re a sick man, Mr. Ramsay.”  I quoted Jesus whom he claimed to follow: “But go and learn what this means: 'I desire mercy, not sacrifice.’”

You’re a sick man, Mr. Bush.  I wish you and your supporters would boycott chicken…

"Then They Shouldn't Eat Chicken" by Wayne Northey

Canadian Prime Minister Harper in support of the war on crime and the war on terror is an ignorant fool and a murderous United States Empire Loyalist.

Some years ago law-and-order MP and Justice Critic Jack Ramsay of the fledgling Reform Party, Harper’s former party too, a one-time RCMP inspector and later convicted criminal for indecent assault, argued with me vehemently for more American-style harsh punitive justice and the return of the death penalty.  I told him of an organization in the U.S., Murder Victims Families for Reconciliation, whose membership was restricted to those who had lost loved ones to murder.  They mounted an annual two-week march in a state that regularly carried out the death penalty.  Their message was: “Don’t kill for me!

He responded, “Then they shouldn’t eat chicken!”, and told me about his brother who loved chicken, but hated the dirty work of killing, gutting, and plucking same.  I responded: “What you are saying is, unless we’re prepared to mercilessly slaughter our enemies - criminals on the home front, terrorists internationally - then we have no right to be beneficiaries of the (North) American/Western way of life?”  “Precisely”, he said.  (Something George Orwell also claimed in his scathing contempt for “pacifists”.)

I pursued, “So, the fact that Allied bombers in World War II murdered and maimed about two million civilians - one third the total number of  Jewish Holocaust victims - in over 100 cities in Germany and Japan through massive ‘carpet bombing’ was, well, just what ‘had to be done’?”  I could have added: This included indiscriminate aerial death sentences carried out across Germany in 44 cities against young and old. There were multiplied tens of thousands of refugee and civilian victims in Dresden, February 1945, alone.  Further, U.S. bombers methodically wasted 80 Japanese cities. In Tokyo, March 1945, 100,000 civilians were “scorched and boiled and baked to death” according to the chortling commander, U.S. General Curtis LeMay.  Another 120,000 civilians instantaneously were incinerated in two atomic bomb holocausts unprecedented in all human history. “Yes”, he said without hesitation, “that’s what had to be done, so that your kids and mine could be raised in peace.”  I, a fellow evangelical Christian, told him he was sick, utterly at odds with Jesus, and I walked away in revulsion.

On May 6, 1996, on the news program 60 Minutes, there was this exchange between then Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, and the interviewer:

  • Lesley Stahl on U.S. sanctions against Iraq: “We have heard that a half million children have died. I      mean, that’s more children than died in Hiroshima. And, you know, is the price      worth it?”
  • Madeleine Albright: “I think this is a very hard choice, but the price--we think      the price is worth it.” 

Albright’s family had been decimated during the Nazi Holocaust.

In the 1986 movie, The Mission, the rapacious slave-trader Don Cabeza, in response to a comment by His Eminence Altamirano, “And you have the effrontery to tell me that this slaughter [of hundreds of indigenous people and their priests] was necessary?”, responds, “...I would have to say, yes.  In truth, yes.”

In a novel I have written, in a moment of stomach-wrenching insight, the protagonist’s agony is described thus:

His horror turned to terror that his entire life he had worshipped God and had been formed in all his core beliefs in company with such sycophants of mass murder and mayhem.  As if he had been born into a Mafia family, where killing and slaughter were simply routine, justified as what was needed to “get the job done”, to enable “normal” life to go on.  “Just War” theory as Christians had always enunciated it, Andy suddenly understood, was equally the prerogative of the Mob and every vile tyrant known to humanity.  No doubt Christians were more sophisticated than what a Mafia family godfather or dictator might articulate, but in the end, it all boiled down to exactly the same thing: terror and slaughter.  People destroyed, the earth raped and pillaged, all for a “just” cause.  How could he have been so duped, and not have seen the true face of Christendom, of Evangelicalism, viciously “red in tooth and claw”?

Mr. Harper is an ignorant fool because, as U.N. Special Envoy Stephen Lewis asserted May 1, 2006, the U.S. war on crime against drugs has been an abject failure.  It has on the contrary spawned massive criminal networks and profits.  Harper is a murderous U.S. Empire Loyalist because the U.S. is the ultimate terrorist organization in the world whose godfather George Bush commits routine murder and mayhem around the globe with impunity, and sycophant Western nation/cheer leaders including Canada’s look the other way - worse, applaud him!

Most Westerners and their political leaders such as Harper, Blair and Bush insist on eating chicken - and their pound of flesh. Their hypocrisy and the West’s concomitant crimes against humanity are today’s ultimate holocaust.

A Modest Proposal Lite by Wayne Northey

In Western civilization, logic and ethics are usually mutually exclusive, while ideology and ethics are invariably bedfellows. Take Michael Ignatieff for instance, a great Canadian intellectual and current Liberal Party leadership hopeful. He salutes the United States as Empire-Lite (title of one of his books), and applauds its Nation-Building Lite program that encircles the globe.  Mr. Ignatieff is doubtless a logical thinker. His views on violence however, typical of centuries-long dominant Western ethical tradition religious and secular, are profoundly illogical

Prove it you say?  Like taking candy from a baby!  Article 3 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights is said to be succinct distillation of an essential self-evident right accorded by Western civilized society to all humanity.  It reads: “Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.”  Mr. Ignatieff would argue that Canadian law upholds that universal right for every Canadian without fail.  Hence, no violent act by police that deliberately takes innocent civilian life on Canadian soil is to be countenanced.  Ever!   Not even just this once.  One might say: no universal right lite!

You see?  I’ve just proved it – or did you miss it?  Mr. Ignatieff is not ethically logical, rather imperially ideological.  He is in fact, contrary to the Declaration’s Article 3, committed to the most damnable mythology/ideology the West has known: the myth of redemptive violence, which is anti-Western-civilization (in theory) to the core (and originated in the pre-Christian Babylonian creation myth, Enuma Elish.) One could call Mr. Ignatieff’s mythical view redemptive violence lite.

While Mr. Ignatieff would categorically reject all Canadian police action that calculatedly destroyed innocent civilian lives to achieve its objectives, he fairly genuflects to the U.S. Empire Terror Military Complex that deliberately, knowingly, methodically destroys civilians the world over.  He uses quaint American spelling to designate “lite” such “inhuman barbarism” against civilians (President Roosevelt in 1939).  He seemingly does not intend us ever to think of the mutilated bodies of innocent civilians “lit up” (another kind of “lite”) at hundreds of U.S. Army check-points in Iraq; of thousands more killed through “shock and awe”; and myriad lesser bombing sorties against civilians by U.S. Empire whenever wherever, etc., etc., etc. The U.S. for decades has cornered the world’s bull market on development, distribution, and deployment of a massive arsenal of weapons of mass destruction: biological, chemical, conventional and nuclear.  Nothing remotely WMD lite about that Empire!  On the contrary.  A Google lite search immediately establishes this unconscionable ethical obscenity against humanity.

In Canada slaughter of innocent civilians would of course be condemned to the highest level by Mr. Ignatieff.  In Iraq or Afghanistan (or… one could fill the rest of the page with U.S. Empire nation-building lite targets around the globe the last 60 years), a diametrically opposite picture emerges.  For Mr. Ignatieff, so ethically illogical to the core, that is all chocked up to collateral damage lite (like 120,000 instant collateral-damage-lite victims at Hiroshima and Nagasaki). Article 3 and all civilized ethics are jettisoned – all ethical logic in fact be damned! Mr. Ignatieff would call it “Might makes right liteAnd he would indeed be right. It could also be dubbed “Might makes right ethical logic lite”, for in fact it is lacking in all ethical logic known (in theory!) to the best of civilized humanity.

Turns out Mr. Ignatieff is not such a smart man after all. He in fact is profoundly illogical. Sadly though, he is in almost universal ethical company in the West, and that for centuries.  Which is precisely why Mahatma Gandhi answered Sir Winston Churchill’s question, “What do you think of Western civilization?” with, “I think it would be a good idea.

There is perhaps only one effective stopper to the ubiquitous/iniquitous myth of collateral damage lite.  It is a modest contribution to the great ethical non-debate about this heinous Western slaughter-house lite mythology.  Every time Allied bombers or military personnel of any kind know there is likely to be “collateral damage” inflicted in planned offensive action (like every time “smart” bombs are dropped, missiles launched, WMD’s deployed), the highest ranking commander at the battlefront must parachute in to the forefront of whatever target a personal loved one before saying, “Fire!”.  Or not give the command.  Just one loved one will do.  Perhaps Mr. Ignatieff for starters could offer up one of his own?

Think of it as a modest proposal lite.

Christians: Don't You Just Love to Hate Them?

I’m glad in our apoplectic politically correct world it’s still open season on Christians.  Jews, Aboriginals, Blacks, etc. – not a chance!  But Christians!

Problem is – I am one.  But not one of those! (Bruce *censored*burn).  Fact is, I applaud the open season.  I say it’s well-deserved after centuries of abuse when we called the shots in the West and knew it.  Further, I am so on-side with Evangelical-bashing (at least of the Evangelical kind currently dominant to the south.)  Problem is again – I am one (to the north). 

BIGGER problem is, I actually believe calling oneself Christian means (taking a stab at though doing it poorly) taking Jesus seriouslyEvangelicals don’t.  Open secret.  Vast majority of Christians to the south don’t.  Appallingly blatant.  Like George for instance, whose “favourite philosopher” (he actually said that without choking!) is Jesus Christ.  Or Tony and Stephen.  All Evangelicals.  All national leaders.  All so blind-sighted by wanton violence they wouldn’t recognize Jesus if he sat right beside them at a G8 summit or in a church pew.  (He does, actually, Evangelicals believe: stranger yet we believe he even lives inside us.) 

There is something peculiarly perverse about the vast majority of English-speaking Evangelicals who openly reject the teachings of Jesus on what one Bible teacher (Walter Wink) calls the Myth of Redemptive Violence, and another (Richard Hays) names consequently massive unfaithfulness. 

Jesus taught: Love your enemies.  Evangelicals teach: Destroy your enemies.  The juxtaposition is that starkly blatant.  Name whom you will: Billy Graham; Franklin Graham; Chuck Colson; Richard Land; James Dobson; Pat Robertson... The list goes on ad nauseum.  And these are among the moderates…

Noted historian Sean Wilentz presented in Rolling Stone, April 21, 2006 the reasons George W. Bush is already judged by the majority of American historians as the worst President in U.S. history.  Yet vast majority Evangelical opinion in the U.S., including that of British Prime Minister Blair and newly elected Canadian Prime Minister Harper, is jarringly out of step with that assessment.

Worse for other Evangelical and Christian believers the world over, vast majority U.S. Evangelical affirmation of Jesus as “Lord, Lord” including that by afore-mentioned Prime Ministers, turns out to be one massive religious contradiction of same, what the Bible refers to as “taking the Lord’s name in vain.”

So I say (while of course (!) loving my enemies), in President Bush’s immortal words, to all Evangelical-bashers out there: “Bring ‘em on!” 

And with Tiny Tim I add, “God bless us, everyone!” 

Kingergarten Again by Wayne Northey

If I could be in Mr. Bush’s and Mr. Blair’s press corps, I’d ask just one question!  It is one simple question:  Just what about Articles 2, 3 and 30 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights do you not understand?:

Article 2

Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.

Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.

Article 3

Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.

Article 30

Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.

Please, another minute…?

Ø     “Everyone” means, well, everyone.  No one is to be excluded.

Ø     “entitled to” means, well, entitled to.   No refusal to anyone for any reason.  Even Osama can’t be wanted “dead or alive” (contrary to lawless Texan cowboy ways).  Sorry.

Ø     “to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration,” means, well, to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration.  There’s a whole whack of ‘em.  Gotta be impressed by those high-minded 1948 signers in the wake of the “inhuman barbarism” (President Roosevelt’s phrase) of Allied bombers killing masses of innocent civilians in Germany and Japan, and of the ultimate “barbarous weapon” (Roosevelt’s Chief of Staff Leahy’s phrase) dropped on each of Hiroshima and Nagasaki killing hundreds of thousands more: even if Mr. Churchill dubbed the Allied attacks “moral bombing”!

Ø     “without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.” means, well, without distinction of any kind, such as race [Iraqi for instance], colour [non-white for instance], sex [non-heterosexual for instance], language [non-English, more, non-American for instance], religion [non-Christian for instance], political or other opinion [anti-U.S. Empire for instance], national or social origin [non-Caucasian U.S./Commonwealth citizen for instance], property [where there’s crude, dude!], birth or other status [no “black site” Geneva Conventions prisoner torture exemptions for instance]No nepotism or patriotism here – or prejudice or greed! – when it comes to people not born from your mom’s, your clan’s, your yellow rose’s, your nation’s, womb.

Ø     “Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.” means, well (okay: this repetition is getting a tad tedious), Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.  No one can be considered outside the circle of inclusion – and that would not be Mr. Bush’s Iron Triangle of big business, Bush senior’s ancien régime, and Texan political operatives swaying/controlling the President.   No more “The White Man’s Burden’s” “savage wars of peace”– with due respect to British Empire laureate (and a Mr. Blair favourite) Rudyard Kipling.

Ø     “Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.” means, well, Everyone [see meaning for this above] has the right to life, liberty and security of person.   No collateral damage allowed, and one totally cleans up the mess afterwards. Like you little Georgie and Anthony were urged to in kindergarten, where at life’s outset you were taught all you really need to know to be, well, in a word, kinder in the primordial Garden. (Remember your “greatest Philosopher”, Mr. Bush?: “Let the little Kinder come to me, and do not bomb them, for the kingdom of God belongs to such as these.”)  No more raining incendiary bombs over the enemy to impose the customs of civilization or democracy the way your 19th-century forebears imagined it. No one to ever get sick or hurt or killed from temper tantrum residue like depleted uranium (half-life 4.5 billion years, rendering victims half- eventually fully, dead) or pretty unexploded cluster bomblets (up to 30% dud rate) you might share with aliens/others/Kinder.

Ø     “Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.” means, well (at last!), Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.  No pre-emptive strikes; no nuclear bunker-busters; no air strikes at all! – since they always destroy far more civilians’ and others’ right to life (though nothing in the Declaration about soldiers’ exemptions). No, O God!, no Orwellian doublespeak political bullshitting! 

Then again, Mr. Bush and Mr. Blair, evidently words for you, like life outside U.S. of A. and British sway, are cheap and so are declarations.  Forget the above! 

My simple question is: Why don’t you just enroll in kindergarten again?

Violence Renounced

Violence Renounced: René Girard, Biblical Studies and Peacemaking, Edited by Willard M. Swartley, Telford, PA: Pandora Press, 2000, 343 pages.

By Wayne Northey

“René Girard is, in my opinion, the most significant theorist of violence in the twentieth century (p. 72).”    So claims Charles Bellinger in a profound volume entitled The Genealogy of Violence. Such accolades abound in the academic and increasingly Christian theological worlds.  Not only has Girard generated an impressive list of publications himself, his work has elicited a vast array of secondary literature, in particular in the social sciences, literature, and theology.  Since 1990 an annual gathering called “Colloquium on Violence and Religion” attracts academics and activists internationally. A society publishes The Bulletin of the Colloquium on Violence and Religion, and an award-winning journal, Contagion: Journal of Violence, Mimesis, and Culture is published in response to Girard’s work.  Recently a five-part Canadian Broadcasting Corporation Ideas radio series produced by David Cayley (praised by Girard and repeatedly aired) made Girard’s thought accessible to a worldwide audience. 

It is no surprise then that an historic peace church tradition, the Mennonites, would hold a conference (in June, 1994) to interact with René Girard’s thought. As Bellinger writes in the volume quoted above: “I argue that [Girard presupposes] the paradigm for the interpretation of Christian history which forms the basis of Anabaptist thought.  This paradigm holds that an ethically disastrous ‘fall’ of Christian integrity took place during the age of Constantine.  Christianity’s apparent triumph over the world was in fact a defeat, from this point of view (p. 98).”  This book is volume four in “Studies in Peace and Scripture Series” sponsored by the Institute of Mennonite   Studies. Many years ago, Jacques Ellul suggested that no theologian would take Girard seriously due to his nonsacrificial reading of the biblical texts.  On the contrary!  This volume pulsates with just such dynamic interaction with Girard.

There is a Foreword, a Series Editors’ Preface, an Editor’s Preface, and an Introduction (by the Editor), before one gets to the two main parts, each made up of seven essays.  Part I is entitled “First Reading: Girard for Biblical Study and Theology”, and Part II, “Second Reading: Girardian Theory, Biblical and Critical Analyses, and Theological Critique”.  While one can become impatient with preliminaries, each of these is well worth reading.  And frankly, the “Introduction” is so well done by the book’s Editor, it is a stand-alone as the best succinct book review available. Nonetheless, I shall persevere…

As Swartley indicates in the Introduction, “… Girard beckons us to see that Scripture is the only literature in the world that exposes the violence perpetrated by humans, sides with the victim, and thus calls humans to renounce violence in the name of the One who forged for us another way to live and die (p. 26).”  “The first seven [essays] lay a foundation for the reader to understand Girard’s theories and how they interact with biblical study and basic theological doctrines, especially the atonement (p. 21).” 

Chapter Two begins: “There is a paradox in human religious experience.  On the one hand, religion is a main (perhaps the main) dynamic in death-dealing violence in the world.  On the other hand, religious faith also often provides the main basis for the fruitful rejection of violence (p. 49).”  One can hear John Lennon’s plaintive sentiment in “Imagine”: “And no religion too…” to appreciate the pathos behind a desire to rid the world of religiously motivated violence, Christian for sure, and otherwise.  Yet the univocal voice of the New Testament is nonviolent. And though religion therein is depicted as violent to the core, and thus rejected, so is “empire”.  “The empire, ultimately, is violent.  The empire is the force that nailed Jesus to the cross (16:4 – 7; 18:24). John presents evil not as the threat of anarchy but as the system of order.  This system of order institutionalizes violence as the foundation of its way of being (p. 62).”  Lennon could as legitimately have sung, “And no government too…” to capture the tragedy of state-sanctioned violence blessed, since the fourth-century legalization of Christianity by Roman Emperor Constantine, by majority Christendom including Western democracies which have as readily slaughtered their tens of thousands as have all totalitarian régimes past and present. “The empire (or all other states, including democratic ones) asks at times for loyalty that buttresses power politics and treats with violence any who threaten the peace and tranquility of the status quo (p. 65).”

Two helpful essays reappraise the books of Deuteronomy and Joshua.  Then the Book of Hebrews is discussed, a book Girard initially thought failed to delegitimize scapegoating as revealed in Christ.  The writer, Michael Hardin, observes helpfully: “This self-critical nature of the Bible is perhaps its most important asset – in that the religious culture that produced writings to justify violence also canonized writings that critique violence (p. 103).”  Acknowledging Girard’s earlier difficulty with Hebrews, Hardin says: “In contrast, our contention is that Hebrews subverts the sacrificial process, albeit under cover of sacrificial language (p. 103).”  He helpfully demonstrates his thesis, concluding: “Our observations have sought to show that this letter, while using the language of sacrifice, rejects all connections between violence and the sacred.  Instead, Hebrews offers a new paradigm of what real self-giving (human and divine) is all about (p. 116).”

Chapter Seven presents “An Incarnational Theory of Mimetic Participation” in understanding the atonement.  It is both critique and affirmation of elements of Girard’s rejection in particular of satisfaction and penal readings of the atonement.  Robin Collins depicts Girard’s reading as “essentially a highly original version of the moral influence theory… (p. 133).”  The essay raises some helpful alternative considerations, interacts suggestively with other religious traditions, in particular Buddhism, yet does not deliver adequately an alternative.  Perhaps the author would find helpful and corroborating J. Denny Weaver’s recent (2001) The Nonviolent Atonement, in its affirmation of a “narrative Christus Victor” understanding of atonement.

James Williams, author of Chapter Nine, “King as Servant, Sacrifice as Service: Gospel Transformations”, is both a Hebrew and a Greek scholar, and noted Girardian researcher.  In the essay before us, he explains: “My thesis is that the New Testament Gospels witness to and represent a transformation of sacral kingship (p. 179).” He concludes: “This revising of sacrificial language is a gospel transformation of the meaning of kingship and sacrifice.  It renders the ‘king’ as no longer the supreme differentiator through violence… Rather, he now is the differentiator through servanthood, through giving one-self rather than sacrificing – or letting others be sacrificed – in war and ritual (p. 194).” And: “My reading of the New Testament, to this point, leads me to the conclusion that in most of the instances where clear, heavily freighted sacrificial language is used, the sacrificial meaning is transformed.  This consistency could only be so because the New Testament has a real transformative center, the innocent victim, Son of man, Son of God, whose actuality cannot be swallowed up either in historicism or intertextuality (p. 195).”

As “Professor Emeritus” of Religion at Syracuse University, a secular setting, Williams makes some telling remarks about the extensive scapegoating of biblical texts and religion in secular academic (and other) contexts.  These connect to the immediately foregoing quote: “In intellectual culture there is a powerful stream of thought that attacks all models of authority, and this means that Christianity and the Bible are the primary objects of intellectual hostility…  It is an irony of history that the very source that first disclosed the viewpoint and plight of the victim is pilloried in the name of various forms of criticism…  My code word for this ideology is ‘multiculturalism.’  (Another code term is ‘political correctness,’…)

“However, it is in the Western world that the affirmation of ‘otherness,’ especially as known through the victim, has emerged.  And its roots sink deeply into the Bible as transmitted in the Jewish and Christian traditions…  the standpoint of the victim is our unique and chief biblical inheritance.  It can be appropriated creatively and ethically only if the inner dynamic of the biblical texts and traditions is understood and appreciated.  The Bible is the first and main source for women’s rights, racial justice, and any kind of moral transformation.  The Bible is also the only creative basis for interrogating the tradition and the biblical texts.  Why sell this birthright for a stew of multiculturalism? (pp. 195 & 196).”  In light of this plaintive plea for acknowledgement of the uniquely transformative power of the biblical text, Williams writes: “The paradigm periscope, Mark 10:35 – 45 [“Not so with you.  Instead, whoever wants to become great among you must be your servant, and whoever wants to be first must be slave of all (verse 43).”], is crucial because it witnesses to the Servant Son of man as the transformative center of the movement of faith and theology into ethics and practice.  It witnesses also to the movement of ethics and practice into belief and understanding (p. 196).”

Sandor Goodhart, a Jewish Girardian and biblical scholar, supplies a creative rereading of Isaiah’s Suffering Servant, in particular chapters 52 and 53.  Along the way he notes, contrary to much popular Christian scholarly opinion, “The criticism Jesus makes [of ‘the Jews’] is an internal Jewish affair…  It is with the tradition of prophetic criticism that Jesus speaks, not as repudiation of Judaism, nor of ‘the Jews’ – of which he is one (p. 204).  Goodhart posits the tensions between Jews and Christians ultimately as “something of a family quarrel.” He adds: “But considering Judaism and Christianity as part of a family – and not as a set of independent perspectives – we also open the potential for reconciliation and consequently for hope (p. 216).”  Though he acknowledges this is a long way in the future!

Chapter Eleven, “Discipleship and Imitation of Jesus/Suffering Servant: Mimesis of New Creation” by the Editor is a compelling call to imitation of Christ. “… what is necessary is a double transformation: that by transcendent provision we are given an object for mimesis whose very nature and action does not lead to rivalry when imitated, and that through the empowerment of this One our human desire(s) be transformed so that we will desire to imitate the nonrivalrous, nonviolent Person.

“In this chapter I seek to show that major strands of NT teaching are directed specifically to just this reality: transformation of desire that enables a positive, nonacquisitive mimesis. This study seeks to show how foundational and ubiquitous this idea is in the New Testament (pp. 218 & 219).”  The author accomplishes his task well!  Along the way, he challenges Luther’s view that any sense of imitation of Christ smacks of works-righteousness. On the contrary, failure to imitate Christ is part of the ethical malaise of an ahistorical satisfaction and penal substitution Atonement that reintroduces the violence renounced by Jesus, and leaves Christians ethically unchallenged about living out this rejection of violence in favour of love of neighbour/enemy modelled by Jesus!  As Bellinger states in the work cited above, “To a great extent, the history of Christianity is the history of the resistance of immature ‘Christians’ to the possibility that they could actually become followers [imitators] of Christ (p. 111).  Swartley concludes his study:  “A mimesis pattern lies at the heart of NT thought.  Any theology or ethics of the NT should make this point foundational, but few do…  Further, the pervasive NT teaching on ‘love of enemy’ and ‘nonretaliation against evil’ is the outworking of this new mimesis in an ethic for conflictual relations.  To pursue these themes adequately requires another paper (p. 239).” The author then points to earlier presentations in the “Studies” series of which this book is volume four.

Jim Fodor’s Chapter Twelve, “Christian Discipleship as Participative Imitation: Theological Reflections on Girardian Themes”, complements Swartley’s contribution, which he indicates.  He says: “By developing some of Swartley’s ideas in a more wide-ranging and intentionally theological manner, I hope to set the notion of imitation and discipleship in a Trinitarian framework that will encourage a distinctively Christian appreciation of Girard’s insights regarding mimesis and imitative desire (p. 248).” Along the way, Fodor critiques Girard’s lack of theological development of biblical themes, especially the Trinity and the Cross/Resurrection.  He does not fault Girard for his primary anthropological reading of the New Testament, rather delineates modifications and supplementations necessary to affirm Girard theologically. He concludes: “Christians may, no doubt, find in Girard an important ally…  In these matters, however, the ore always comes mixed with clay… (p. 266).” Fodor’s is a sobering biblical challenge and corrective to aspects of Girardian thought.

Chapter Thirteen by Rebecca Adams, “Loving Mimesis and Girard’s ‘Scapegoat of the Text’: A Creative Reassessment of Mimetic Desire” proposes “that we examine the Girardian theory [of mimetic desire] itself as a metanarrative to see how it performs according to its own insights about violence (p. 278).”  A central critique of Girard’s thought is its failure to construe positive mimetic desire. Adams believes that in fact, therefore, positive mimesis is scapegoated by Girard, a fact he fails to acknowledge.  Her development of this theme becomes very technical, and presupposes an intimate knowledge of Girardian theory not present in most readers of this review.  Adams proposes that with her corrective to Girard’s scapegoating of positive mimetic desire that Girard’s “mimetic theory becomes much more convincing as a general theory, one on which we might build a common ethic, understanding of human beings, and practice of peacemaking (p. 298).”  She spells out several compelling ramifications of her reassessment.  She concludes: “From a reassessed Girardian point of view, the implication is that to imitate (follow in the way of) love in the way I have described is to ‘imitate Christ.’  To participate in an intersubjective dynamic of loving creativity with others through mimetic desire is to imitate, image, or reflect God.  I do not believe it is essential to have the Judeo-Christian Scriptures to understand, or more importantly, to participate in this truth.  However, I do believe Christianity does have a unique claim regarding the gospel revelation from a Girardian point of view, a claim which has been made by no other religious tradition or human system of thought: that is that Jesus is the full, historical incarnation of this love which is both fully human and fully divine, and this love is stronger than any system of death which tries to contain it (p. 302).”

Finally, Chapter Fourteen, entitled “Violence Renounced” is a response by René Girard.  In it, he revisits “the main subject of the symposium, which is also my one field of competence, the ‘mimetic theory.’ (p. 308).”  Regrettably, he does not interact with the more critical assessments immediately prior to his own chapter.  He asserts however the independently (of religious faith) verifiable nature of the truth of mimetic desire.  “The biblical revelation (exposure) of mythology is no ‘mystical’ insight.  It rests on commonsensical observations.  It requires no religious commitment to be understood…  Far from being an ethnocentric prejudice in favour of our own religion, the Judeo-Christian claim to unique truthfulness, almost universally reviled and ridiculed these days, is objectively, verifiably true (p. 313).”  And again: “The traditional problems that divide Christian believers among themselves and even Christians from Jews pale into insignificance, it seems to me, compared to the intellectual and spiritual revolution that the palpable proof of the Judeo-Christian truthfulness entails. The mimetic theory turns the supposedly ‘scientific’ basis for religious scepticism into its very opposite.  It does not demonstrate the religious truth of the Judeo-Christian tradition, which cannot be done, as we all know, but it does the next best thing: it demonstrates its anthropological truth (pp. 314 & 315).” 

In response, I am influenced in the direction of Bellinger’s critique, in the volume cited already a few times: “In my opinion, Girard ought to drop the pretense of adhering to the methodological atheism of social science, which has decreed that religious postulates are unacceptable foundations for understanding human behaviour… [that is] the forced agnosticism of the Enlightenment paradigm (p. 88).” Furthermore, as Fodor’s essay points out, the claim of “scientific” verifiability “is nothing more than a certain ability or explanatory power that enables one to account for all the data (p. 259).”  But if this is what is meant, then it is not so objectively verifiable after all.  And of course, in fact, Girard’s theories are disputed.  It is more accurate to say that Girard’s claims are “true” in the context of a certain community of dialogue (à la Michael Polanyi) to which he belongs.  To which Bellinger says: “He ought to write straightforwardly as a Christian apologist and argue that a theological mode of knowing is required for real insight into human behaviour (p. 88).”

One could wish, given their subsequent publications, that J. Denny Weaver on Atonement, and Charles Bellinger on originary violence theories in general, had been brought into the discussion in this volume. Their books, both alluded to in this review, significantly contribute to the issues raised in this volume. Nonetheless, the entire collection of essays is eminently worthwhile reading.  Not one fails to deliver at least minimally.  And many advance the discussion significantly of peacemaking in a violent world.

The Executed God

Book Review of the executed god: The Way of the Cross in Lockdown America, Mark Lewis Taylor, Fortress Press, 2001, 208 pp.

By Wayne Northey

“Is it a contradiction that Christians pray and adore their imprisoned and executed God while supporting or tolerating the execution and imprisonment of so many today?...  Is there a contradiction when in 2001 a new U.S president, George W. Bush, confesses Christian belief, attends church, and seeks the blessings of Christian leaders, while proudly announcing his support of executions, overseeing more than 150 of them during his term as governor of Texas (pp. xi and xii)?”

The burden of the book is to present an affirmative answer.

“Lockdown America” refers to the current in excess of two millions in prison, an almost fourfold increase since 1980, fully seventy percent of whom are people of colour.  There has never been such a reliance on prisons by any other nation in world history. Connected is the expression, “prison industrial complex”, taken over from the familiar “military industrial complex”, referring to the interdependence of entities combining to create a “theatrics of terror” of those targeted for incarceration and execution. “Terrorism” by any other name... 

The author writes with amazing prescience in light of September 11, 2001: “The fusion of our nation’s punishment regime at home with a military regime abroad was dramatically signaled in 2001 by the rise of George W. Bush from chief executioner among U.S. governors to chief executive commanding the U.S. military forces that guard transnational business interests (p. xvi).” It seems that since September 11 the former gubernatorial chief executioner has simply extended his life and death mandate to the entire planet. 

The sentence after the last quote reads: “This is empire nearly as real and as vicious as that of Rome (p. xvi).”  The organizing principle of “lockdown America” and of “bombs away world” (my expression) according to the author is empire.  “The United States, contrary to many of its citizens’ expectations is not an anti-imperial force.  To the contrary, it is the key and privileged player in supporting the imperial ways of transnational, global empire that services primarily the wealthier nations and the elites in poorer countries (p. xv).”  He calls this Pax Americana (“the imposed ordered peace of America (p. xvi).”)

Taylor writes further: “The overall argument of this book is that remembering the executed Jesus and enacting what I will call his way of the cross, are crucial for mobilizing effective resistance to lockdown America today and to the Christendoms that are complicit with it (p. xiii).”  And again: “We might dare to hope that ... Christians [will] embrace the Jesus whose life and death challenged, in his time, the Pax Romana (the imposed ordered peace of Rome) (p. xvi).”

Part One establishes the reality of Lockdown America as a domestic form of mass terrorism he dubs “The Theatrics of Terror”.  They are designed to “deal with surplus populations amid growing economic disparity, [and] can be seen as a system of sacrifice within a U.S.-led imperium that practices domination on both internal and global fronts (p. 65).”

Part Two calls for a “Theatrics of Counterterror” along three lines: practising the way of the cross as “adversarial politics”, practising counter spectacles to those of prisons, thereby “stealing the show”, and practising the way of the cross as “building peoples’ movements” to counter empire ways of death.  There is explanatory detail in each instsnce.

The Epilogue is a call to “Christian living [that] can be viewed as the fullness of rebellion (p. 156).”  This is the Apostle Paul’s call: “Do not conform any longer to the pattern of this world, but be transformed... (Rom. 12:2)” 

The author, a theology professor at Princeton Theological Seminary, and longtime activist, illustrates with wide array.  Given the scapegoating dynamics of criminal justice systems which he names and well describes, it is surprising he did not discuss more extensively the work of René Girard, for instance his latest book, I See Satan Fall Like Lightning, and the vast body of interdisciplinary writings his work has inspired with relation to scapegoating violence.  Given his reading of Jesus as profoundly political, it is intriguing that he does not once reference John Howard Yoder, especially his best-known work, The Politics of Jesus.  And he could have deepened and broadened his biblical analysis, like Yoder, Jacques Ellul, (prison abolitionist) Lee Griffith, and James William McClendon do in similar directions.  He could have done likewise sociologically by adducing the works of prison abolitionists Nils Christie, especially Crime Control as Industry, and Thomas Mathiesen, particularly Prisons on Trial. Finally, Taylor’s work is as if there has been absolutely no international movement known as “Restorative Justice”, that has dramatically challenged and changed from within the ways of lockdown America, and other gulag states the world over. The book could have been strengthened by engagement with this phenomenon.  Restoring Justice by Dan van Ness and Karen Heetderks Strong would have been an excellent choice.

The author is well aware that his thesis is alien to most churches and Christians, for whom “Pax Americana, that mighty and efficient empire, is simply accepted ... as a kind of stage upon which church ministries are to be acted out (p. 135).”  For all Christians so acquiescent to the state even when it pursues and supports empire ways, that is the book’s greatest challenge.

A fitting conclusion is the opening quote from black death row prisoner Mumia Abu-Jamal: 

“Isn’t it odd that Christendom – that huge body of humankind that claims spiritual descent from the Jewish carpenter of Nazareth – claims to pray to and adore a being who was prisoner of Roman power, an inmate of the empire’s death row?  That the one it considers the personification of the Creator of the Universe was tortured, humiliated, beaten, and crucified on a barren scrap of land on the imperial periphery, at Golgotha, the place of the skull? That the majority of its adherents strenuously support the state’s execution of thousands of imprisoned citizens? That the overwhelming majority of its judges, prosecutors, and lawyers – those who condemn, prosecute, and sell out the condemned – claim to be followers of the fettered, spat-upon, naked God? (p. xi).”

The Death Penalty

The Death Penalty: An Historical and Theological Survey, James J. Megivern, New York/Mahwah, N. J.: Paulist Press 1997, 641 pages.

By Wayne Northey

“In this important study, James Megivern offers readers a comprehensive history of the death penalty in the West.  He explores the development of the death penalty chronologically through the early, medieval and modern periods while also providing geographical surveys.  He concentrates on the debate over its use by theologians and philosophers, and illustrates the inconsistencies in Western thinking on its merits.”  This according to the back cover.  There is added on the inside cover a claim that rings true: “The Death Penalty includes more information on the history of thinking about capital punishment than is available in any other English work.” 

There are twelve sections to the book, each taking us through an historical era since the time of Christ.  There is also a “Preface” in which the author explains that he had found it puzzling that no English-language standard church history text asked “How it had come about that churchmen in the High Middle Ages had adopted a position of staunch support of this singular practice of deliberately destroying human life? (p. vii)”  Hugo Bedau, noted author/researcher on the death penalty, asks a similar question in the “Foreword”: “How does it come to pass that the religion founded in the legacy of Jesus of Nazareth would for centuries – indeed until a decade or so ago – not merely tolerate but actively defend death deliberately and intentionally inflicted as punishment as a right of the state and as a desirable and necessary institution? (p. xi)”

Megivern indicates that there were clusters of centuries in which particularly important historical developments of Christian attitudes towards and practices of the death penalty occurred. They were:

  • The fourth and fifth centuries when the church adjusted to      post-Constantinian status as legal then sole      “established” religion of the Empire.
  • The eighth and ninth centuries when the church aligned with      newly ascendant Frankish barbaric powers.
  • The eleventh to thirteenth centuries that saw the emergence of      the “papal monarchy” and its resort to and support of increasing lethal      force.
  • The fifteenth to seventeenth centuries that saw the rise of      lonely protest movements (Lollard, Anabaptist,      Quaker) that resisted by then universal application of torture and the      death penalty by the church.
  • The eighteenth to twentieth centuries that began with      Enlightenment attacks on church practice and endorsement of the death      penalty, and continued from secular and Christian sources to the time of      the book’s writing.

In the prologue to the early church era (“On Interpreting the Bible”), Megivern indicates that undoubtedly, the presence in the Old Testament law codes of capital punishment for up to thirty-six offences gave rise to “the kind of central position [of pro-capital punishment] that it [gained] in Christian history (p. 10).” And “In the history of Christian theological legitimation of the death penalty, Genesis 9:6 has probably been cited more frequently than any other text as basic proof of the propriety of humans executing fellow human malefactors (p. 15).”  That the entire pericope, Genesis 9:1 – 6, and verse 6 in particular, fairly bristles with textual problems if forced to support the death penalty, Megivern rightly indicates.  He does so similarly with the Romans 13:1 – 6 text.  “This passage vies with Genesis 9:6 as the most popular and frequent proof-text invoked to justify the practice of state executions over the centuries (p. 17).”  After again demonstrating the textual difficulties with such a conclusion, he asserts: “There is widespread recognition that texts… must be approached in a broader way than ahistorical proof-texting (p. 18).”

In a collection of essays on the death penalty the reviewer has read, the editor underscores the consistent pro-death penalty voices throughout the Christian era as proof of divine approbation.  Megivern indicates the contrary: the pre-Constantinian church (pre-fourth century) was generally anti-death penalty, which dramatically changed during the era of Constantine.  The author summarizes: “Once Christianity had become the state religion, the imperial values articulated in Roman law tended to overwhelm gospel values…  As a result, the legacy of Constantinian-Theodosian Christianity to subsequent ages was highly ambiguous on the ethics of killing, whether in the case of war or capital punishment. Less and less attention was paid to that most troublesome of the teachings of Christ: the prohibition of the taking of revenge (p. 50).”

What began to bedevil the church, and for centuries, was “The intractable problem of what to do about heretics [that] gradually led churchmen into the quicksand of lethal repression (p. 55).”  And with that grew not only massive church-sanctioned exercise of capital punishment, but also its theological justification despite univocal contrary New Testament witness. 

The Waldensians of the early 12th century first elicited the church’s rejection of a “group” as heretics.  Ironically, the issue of their “heresy” was mainly opposition to the death penalty!  “It is thereby one of the oddest legacies in Western church history, resulting in a strangely skewed discussion that made preachers of the ‘good news’ diligently elaborate arguments for the state’s right to kill wayward members (p. 103).” This is akin to American Southern preachers’ ubiquitous defence in the 19th century of slavery.  (“The parallels between approving slavery and approving capital punishment have always been disturbingly close (p. 384).”) As the medieval period wore on, “war” on heretics increased to fever pitch.  Otherwise great spiritual leaders like Thomas Aquinas were drawn in.  In a comparison of the “body politic” to the human body that was repeated often by Christian theologians, the Nazis, and many other totalitarian leaders, Aquinas wrote: “Therefore, if any man is dangerous to the community and is subverting it by some sin, the treatment to be commended is his execution in order to preserve the common good (p. 117).”

The Protestant Reformation fared no better.  “While the major Protestant Reformers called for change in many other things, they had no objection to the death penalty as such (p. 141).”  Luther wrote: “Let no one imagine that the world can be governed without the shedding of blood.  The temporal sword should and must be red and bloodstained, for the world is wicked and is bound to be so.  Therefore the sword is God’s rod and vengeance for it (p. 142).”  John Calvin oversaw the execution of heretic Michael Servetus October 27, 1553 in Geneva, with overwhelming Protestant approbation.

With the establishment of the auto-da-fé at the 1215 Lateran Council, and the consequent Inquisition, administrators of the Papal States devised ever more exquisitely cruel means of torture to accompany the death penalty.  In Catholic and Protestant jurisdictions, a “Gallows-Pietism” developed as well, whereby the condemned went to the gallows as “a special work of God, a providential occasion where proper dispositions for a good Christian death were ideally enacted in a grand public liturgy from which all could learn important lessons in both living and dying as good Christians (p. 162).”  Executions had become, throughout Protestant and Catholic Christendom, part of upholding the “sacred order”.  They were therefore as natural and self-evidently legitimate as all other aspects of God-ordained society.

Megivern points to many minority voices of dissent, a fact that “contradicts the popular idea that initial efforts to get rid of capital punishment came as a relatively unexpected bolt from the blue at the time of the Enlightenment (p. 193).”  The first voices against capital punishment during the long ascendancy of the Western death penalty were in fact Christian and biblical.  Yet, from the mid-18th century “For the next two and a half centuries the secular proponents of a more humane society were, ironically, to be the chief defenders of the dignity of human life over against those who continued to invoke the Bible to justify the gallows… (p. 218)”  Megivern details this history of growing rejection of capital punishment, clustered around three considerations:

  • Biblical/theological
  • Humanitarian
  • Pragmatic/operational

In turn, the most compelling Christian arguments became: “(1) a fuller understanding of human rights, especially the right to life; (2) a fuller understanding of the gospel, especially the teaching of Jesus on relating to one’s fellow beings and renouncing revenge; and (3) a fuller understanding of the need for consistency (p. 449).” Megivern adds: “That [Christian] message needs to be clarified and amplified in concrete terms: deliberate killing of human beings is not an acceptable option. The magnitude of a crime, its hideous, heinous, gruesome, grotesque circumstances and details, are not and cannot be the issue.  Life is the issue, and deliberately destroying human life, all human life, any human life, is wrong, period.  Punishment, yes.  Death, no.  People are not to be killed – not by any ‘right’ of the state, not in God’s name, not for revenge, not to deter another, not at all.  That is the nature of the right to life, the dignity of the human person, the law of God, and the teaching of Jesus (p. 459).”

The book is a masterful blend of the scholarly and the prophetic.  Megivern charts a sure course through 2,000 years of Western church history.  He does not miss the pathos either.  Many times the text is punctuated with comments like: “If the legitimacy of deliberately killing people for having different beliefs had not become a Christian cultural given, how different might Western history have been? (p. 186).” His discourse is erudite, respectful, and unflinching.  He might have quoted Jesus with great irony in response to the longstanding majority Christian support for capital punishment and state-sanctioned violence in general: “Why is my language not clear to you?  Because you are unable to hear what I say. You belong to your father, the devil, and you want to carry out your father’s desire.  He was a murderer from the beginning… (John 8:43 & 44a).”  He might also today advise reading The Nonviolent Atonement (Eerdmans, 2001) by J. Denny Weaver as theological corrective for this horrendous blot on Christian witness.  Megivern says: “As is evident, the problem being addressed extends far beyond the issue of capital punishment as such, since this practice is symptomatic and only one piece of the much larger puzzle, the puzzle of accounting for the oxymoronic phenomenon of ‘Christian violence’ in its many forms (p. 4).”  He rightly points to the work of and inspired by Christian anthropologist René Girard.  (A masterful discussion of Girard together with Søren Kierkegaard is found in Charles Bellinger’s The Genealogy of Violence: Reflections on Creation, Freedom, and Evil. Girard’s most recent book is entitled, I See Satan Fall Like Lightning.)

To Megivern belongs the last word: “In the end, as in the beginning, the case for respecting human life prevails: from a Christian perspective, the death penalty has nothing to be said for it, and everything to be said against it (p. 489).”

Justice That Restores

Justice That Restores, Charles W. Colson, Wheaton: Tyndale House Publishers, Inc., 2001; 172 pages.

by Wayne Northey

Charles Colson explains that the seeds for this book were sewn while preparing for a series of lectures on criminal justice in England. “I needed to write a book that would help American policy makers and people who work in our country’s criminal justice system to think through their positions, policies, and practices (p. x).”

Colson states two premises giving rise to this publication. The first is: “The criminal justice system, which is absolutely crucial if government is to carry out its first duty - the preservation of order - urgently needs reform (p. vii).” The second is: “Our ideas and philosophies of criminal justice can no longer be considered in a vacuum (p. viii).”  These premises inform the four parts of the book. 

Part 1, “The Basis for a Just Society”, presents some sobering statistics about the exponential growth of America’s prison population in recent years.  Colson also indicates that “crimes” have changed into ever more vicious, senseless, and perverse acts, often with no motives connecting to the specific victims.  He provides a litany of randomly selected illustrative horrors. He proceeds to discuss what is justice, and the importance of natural law, which Colson claims references to biblical revelation.  Over against “biblically based” natural law there has been a process of erosion of this as foundation for law in Western history.   He concludes Part I with, “If restorative justice is to prevail, the first task ahead of us is to restore the authority of the law itself.  Without it, no criminal justice system can be fairly administered.  Without it, no society can survive (p. 41).”

Part 2 discusses “The Roots of Crime”.  Colson argues for the traditional doctrine of original sin as the explanation for crime.  In the process, he critiques “utopianism”, whereby people are not held accountable for the choices they have made.  The consequences of this bad “anthropology” are a fourfold erosion of personal responsibility, coarsening of crimes, dehumanization of the individual, and compounding of evil.  He discusses each of these in some detail.  Colson concludes this section with: “Restoration of justice is impossible without restoration of good anthropology...  [T]he true cause of crime... is not environment or poverty but wrong moral choices.  The truth is, we are not deprived, we are depraved (p. 74).”

Part 3, “Redemption” looks at the “Moral Roots of Crime”.  “So what is the cause of crime?  It turns out the Bible was right all along.  Humans are responsible for sin and evil (p. 79).” Along the way, he indicates that the lack of large scale religious training in American society, a training of Christian virtues, has significantly created the monstrous problems with crime we face today.  He writes, “So this brings us to the crucial question perhaps of this entire book: What can be done to bring about virtue in individuals as they make moral choices (p. 88)?”  His answer is personal conversion to Christ.  To get to that, he briefly examines other- and non-religious answers. He points both to studies and stories that underscore a christocentric conclusion.  In particular, he calls for the moral transformation of the American family as the place to start.  He calls also for the creation of “community cohesion” through the mobilization of America’s churches to re-establish virtue in its citizens.  He concludes this section with the words, “That reality, the reality of the gospel, is the only life-transforming, indeed culture-transforming power.  In that is the answer not just to crime but also to life’s greatest dilemma (p. 109).”

Part 4, “Justice That Restores”, finally delivers on the book’s title.  Colson uses other terms such as “relational” and “transformative” to describe this kind of justice as well.  He underscores that “Crime is the Community’s Business”, and proceeds to describe a range of community options, including prevention programs, “Christian” prisons as operated by Prison Fellowship (the worldwide organization founded by Colson), a variety of reintegration programs, and programs that bring healing to victims. The author concludes with further discussion of what Christian “transformation” means in today’s culture. The book’s final statement is, “... the time is at hand to turn to what may seem a new and radical model but is actually an old and well-proven one: justice that restores (p. 159).”

This book is an avowed attempt to set the issues of crime, punishment, and justice in a comprehensive historical and cultural context. It lacks however the well-researched erudition of his colleagues’ Restoring Justice (Anderson Publishing Company, 1997), and the theological acumen of Chris Marshall’s Beyond Retribution: A New Testament Vision for Justice, Crime, and Punishment (Eerdmans, 2001). Colson’s book has its good moments, in particular when Colson turns in Part 4 to practical descriptions of Restorative Justice initiatives and many of his points are valid.  His numerous stories, from a wealth of personal experience, are inspirational and heart-warming.  He also sources some good research material.

The book makes repeated unsubstantiated statements and assumptions however, and serves up many broad generalizations the reader is expected already to know and accept. Colson claims to see the woods by raising at the outset what he terms “Foundational Questions (p. 11)”.  Regrettably, in this reviewer’s opinion, he inadequately looks past the trees.  There is “not enough”, in the repeated phrase of activist Ruth Morris.  I shall mention two significant examples. 

First, there is Colson’s undefined use of the term “crime” itself, and the basic issue of who commits “crime”.  What would Colson say of the classic Canadian publication by Thomas Gabor, ‘Everybody Does It!’: Crime By the Public (University of Toronto Press, 1994), which demonstrates from  worldwide studies that Western democracies such as Canada and the United States are largely made up of “opportunistic repeat offenders” – approximately 90% of the population – including law enforcers and elected officialdom?  (“There is no one righteous, not even one” could have been the book’s subtitle.) Further, Colson provides for us a litany of horrific crimes to demonstrate how “(street) crime” currently is spinning out of control.  He thereby shows a simplistic, individualistic, politically conservative bias that street crime is the only kind legitimately to concern Americans. But evidence is readily accessible for the massive depredations of corporate crime in North America and worldwide.  (I need only mention Enron.)  The billions stolen, large numbers of victims annually, and great environmental devastation, make collective street crime in America seem tame by comparison.  (See Section III and the various bibliographies of Ruth Morris’ The Case for Penal Abolition, Canadian Scholars’ Press (2000) for example.  The literature abounds.)  Why does Colson not even allude to this?

Second, Colson makes no connection between crime in America, and the crimes of what American theologian Mark Taylor calls “Lockdown America”, an “American Empire” in pursuit of a domestic and worldwide imposed Pax Americana as (economically) conquest driven as ancient Rome (The Executed God: The Way of the Cross in Lockdown America, Fortress, 2001).  Taylor, unlike Colson, connects the burgeoning “prison industrial complex” (what Nils Christie called “crime control as industry” in a masterful book by that title (Routledge, 1995) ) to the massive “military industrial complex” headed by the Pentagon.  Taylor says: “The fusion of our nation’s punishment regime at home with a military regime abroad was dramatically signalled in 2001 by the rise of George W. Bush from chief executioner among U.S. governors to chief executive commanding the U.S. military forces that guard transnational business interests (p. xvi).” The vast criminality of both “complexes” is also well documented.  (See for example, A Sin Against the Future: Imprisonment in the World, Vivien Stern, Northeastern University Press, 1998; and Rogue State: A Guide to the World’s Only Superpower, William Blum, Common Courage Press, Monroe, Maine, 2000.)  Why has Colson absolutely nothing to say about these kinds of worldwide, organized criminal organizations?  Can Colson, former conservative politician, though Christian, possibly be influenced by political bias and not just the Bible in his cultural analysis?

Colson further and rightly specifically alludes to the way in which young people are increasingly desensitized across America through violent video games to commit cold-blooded murder without compunction.  He then readily acknowledges that contemporary American military training employs similar methods, but says reassuringly: “The difference, of course, is that soldiers absorb this training in a moral context... (p. 10)”  And then he moves on, without apparently batting an eye!  (For starters, why did Colson not at least adduce the chilling research conducted and widely disseminated by Lt. Colonel Dave Grossman? See his website: http://www.killology.com/, and his book: On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society, Little, Brown and Co, 1995.) 

Further, is this not the very issue of the New Testament moral witness, that is “univocal” against killing (see Richard Hays, The Moral Vision of the New Testament, Fortress, 1996, Chapter 14), epitomized in Jesus’ clarion command: “Love your enemies.”?   So when the American military “Timothy McVeighish” killed in excess of 6,000 innocent Afghani civilians in its air war on terrorism, as well as tens of thousands more combatants, and multiplied thousands of civilians and combatants again recently in Iraq; or “nuked” in 1945 120,000 innocent Japanese civilians in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and slaughters thousands of innocents worldwide through American interventions since World War II, are these cold-blooded horrors also not moral issues of “crimes against humanity”?  (And the most obvious reason that America totally boycotts the recently established International Court). 

Are the above not murderous acts of violence that model and elicit imitation by America’s peoples as surely as violent video games? Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II by American journalist William Blum (Black Rose Books, 1998) is a 457-page litany of such violent crimes by America, which in a more recent book as mentioned is consequently dubbed the ultimate Rogue State.  Blum writes, “What if all the nice, clean-cut, wholesome American boys who dropped an infinite tonnage of bombs, on a dozen different countries, on people they knew nothing about – characters in a video game – had to come down to earth and look upon and smell the burning flesh (p. 1)?”  And this kind of wanton carnage, blessed by Colson (apparently) and certainly by most major Evangelical leaders from Billy Graham on down in the United States, is not crime, is “justified” in fact, because willed by the nation (and hence by God in a perverse reading of Romans 13 worthy of Nazi Germany)?  And therefore, by divine alchemy perhaps, worldwide US violence practised daily (if we only care to know[1]) is exempt both from the category of “crime (against humanity)”, and wide imitation by the world public, not least other peoples and nations?

The book has some things to offer.  But given its unfortunate American cultural captivity, it is sadly and sorely inadequate to the task, amazingly naïve about the true depth and breadth of violence in today’s world, hence “not enough”, according to its own stated intention, of calling us to a cosmic biblical vision of “justice that restores”.  “For God so loved the world”! – one needs to remind Colson and a host of idolatrous American Evangelical leadership.



[1] “The former apartheid cabinet member Leon Wessels was closer to the mark when he said that they had not wanted to know [about apartheid’s horrors], for there were those who tried to alert them (Archbishop Desmond Tutu, No Future Without Forgiveness, p. 269).”

Against the Death Penalty

Against The Death Penalty: Christian and Secular Arguments Against Capital Punishment, Gardner C. Hanks, Herald Press, 1997; 208 pages.

by Wayne Northey

Eleven years after the Canadian Parliament decisively voted against the return of the death penalty, the Reform Party of Canada has decided to make this issue a major thrust in 1998.  The book’s appearance therefore, though directed towards and informed by current American reality, is timely for Canadians too.  The cold-blooded execution of Karla Faye Tucker, born-again Christian, is further pointer to the book’s timeliness.

The title gives away its thrust.  Of interest to Christian readers is, Hanks’ own conversion is traceable to the leadership taken by Christians in their opposition to capital punishment.  He was impressed by their powerful witness to “an executed Lord”.  Six months after their action in which he participated opposing the execution of John Spenkelink (May, 1979 in Florida), “I became a Christian”, the author tells us.  Further, “My friendships with death row inmates and with family members of other men on death row have convinced me more than ever that the death penalty is opposed to everything the God I love and worship stands for (p. 15).” His book is evangelistic in witness to his love for that executed Lord besides being apologetic against the death penalty.

Hanks explains that he struggled in writing the book concerning who is his audience.  He decided to include much argumentation that secular people could readily appreciate, but also to be true to his own story, and begin and end with Christian reasons for opposing the death penalty.  In the Preface the author outlines the structure of the book: two beginning chapters devoted to biblical considerations; two on the history of opposition to such punishment; two chapters on deterrence theories; a chapter on repeat offenders and the death penalty; the next on the needs of victims;  five chapters concerning myriad injustices around use of capital punishment; a chapter on wrongful convictions and the execution of innocents; two chapters on the staggering fiscal and social costs of capital punishment; a penultimate chapter on seeing the death penalty as “cruel and unusual punishment”; and a revisiting finally of the spiritual and moral considerations in opposition to such a heinous measure, what we learn in the Foreword writer Will Campbell once labelled “just plain tacky”.  There are also five helpful “Appendixes”, two of which are US-oriented.

The author at the outset uses compelling arguments to advance the proposition: “Since killing and revenge are incompatible with love, it should be obvious that capital punishment cannot be part of the reign of God inaugurated through Jesus Christ (p. 40).”  Hanks himself was drawn to Christ because of God’s love.  He sees in Christ an image of God shorn of all vestiges of violence, especially the ultimate violence of state sanctioned murder. He therefore interprets Romans 13 differently from dominant views (since the era of Constantine) of the state and capital punishment.  Likewise, he disallows Genesis 9 as a timeless rationale for the death penalty, and reads the Old Testament as pointer to the New Testament opposition to capital punishment.  He quotes I John 2:2 as a definitive NO to the need for any further atoning deaths: “[Christ] is the atoning sacrifice for our sins, and not for ours only but also for the sins of the whole world.”

As Restorative Justice advocate Howard Zehr states in the Foreword, “The book is exactly what the subtitle says....  One by one, Hanks addresses the issues, steering through them without becoming lost - no mean feat with a subject as complex and emotional as this one (p. 12).”

I am surprised that there is no reference to the finest study I know of on Genesis 9 with relation to capital punishment, published in The Acts of Synod 1981, “Report 31: CAPITAL PUNISHMENT STUDY COMMITTEE” (Grand Rapids: Christian Reformed Church in North America, pp. 72-73, 448-91.), by a group of Christian Reformed scholars.  I have twice used their material in a public forum on the issue. Baldly and overwhelmingly they demonstrate that Genesis 9 cannot be used as a timeless basis for state killings (a point conceded once exegetical evidence was adduced in both my dialogue experiences).  I was also surprised that no writings by John Howard Yoder were used, recently deceased Mennonite biblical scholar, in particular his contribution to The Death Penalty Debate (H. Wayne House and John Howard Yoder, Dallas: Word, 1991).    Finally, I could have hoped for a development of the theme of scapegoating with reference to capital punishment.  The work of René Girard, interpreted and expanded theologically in James Alison’s books (and those of many others), Knowing Jesus and Raising Abel, would have contributed significantly to the theological presentation. Their massive enterprise argues, “The perception that God is love has a specific content which is absolutely incompatible with any perception of God as involved in violence, separation, anger, or exclusion (James Alison, Raising Abel: The Recovery of the Eschatological Imagination, New York: Crossroad Publishers Company, 1996, p. 48).”  “[I]n truth, and without any remorse or sadomasochism, Jesus loved his slayers. (Raising Abel, p. 188, see Luke 23:34)”, is the amazing Gospel reversal of the death penalty and all violent ways!  Nonetheless, Hanks has been quite thorough in drawing on secular and biblical sources.

This book will help convince the open but undecided, and bolster the opposition to the death penalty of the “already converted”.  It is likely to give pause at least to the thoughtful retentionist.  But for the “Pharisee” in the church ranks, Jesus’ words in Matt. 23:23 (KJV) will be used in ringing denunciation of all Christians “against the death penalty” (as once used in an angry diatribe against me and my “despicable ilk” during a secular public forum): “ye... have omitted the weightier matters of the law”, he thundered at me, “judgment!!!”  And to my verbal executioner that night, “judgment” meant capital punishment.  That such an inversion of the thrust of that passage (see Micah 6:8 and the rest of that verse and chapter for its background and context) could have been used in defence of capital punishment is sure proof of the enormous capacity of, and temptation towards, wrongly “dividing the word of truth (II Tim 2:15)”, we all share.

I warmly recommend this book with the warning: Lector caveat -let the reader beware!